India’s election calendar needs a reset. Is 'One Nation, One Election' the answer?

India is rarely far from an election. Whether for Lok Sabha or state assembly, political parties are in perpetual campaign mode. Ministers divide their attention between governing and electioneering.

Elections sustain democratic accountability. Governments also need time to implement a mandate, take difficult decisions and show results. This is the case for simultaneous parliamentary and state elections.

Long-term reforms become harder when the next contest is always near. Manufacturing projects still need approvals, power, roads and logistics. Cities still need sustained work on transport, housing and basic services.

Fiscal policy feels the same pressure. Near-continuous elections encourage parties to answer one promise with a larger one. Targeted welfare remains indispensable, and direct transfers can provide meaningful support. Problems arise when similar schemes multiply without adequate attention to targeting, funding or outcomes.

The pattern is visible across states. Madhya Pradesh has 'Ladli Bahna', Maharashtra 'Ladki Bahin', Karnataka 'Gruha Lakshmi', Odisha 'Subhadra', and West Bengal 'Lakshmir Bhandar'. Each has its own design and rationale, and each can support household incomes. The concern is how quickly an established template spreads as parties compete to match promises made elsewhere. One state's intervention can become a recurring commitment across many budgets, lasting well beyond the election cycle. Competitive welfare can then slip into competitive populism.

Fiscal room is already tight. RBI reported that states' consolidated fiscal deficit rose to 3.3% of GDP in 2024-25, and was budgeted at the same level in 2025-26. Outstanding liabilities were projected at 29.2% of GDP by end-March 2026. These figures include productive capital expenditure, but underline the scrutiny every recurring commitment should face.

Joint Parliamentary Committee chair P P Chaudhary, examining 'One Nation, One Election' (ONOE), cited estimates that separate elections cost the economy nearly ₹7 lakh cr, and that synchronisation could generate equivalent gains. The claim covers more than polling expenses. It points to lost administrative time, interrupted decisions and economic drag of permanent election mode.

ONOE had a prominent place in public debate in 2024. Constitutional work continues, but the reform no longer commands the same public attention. Work now is to resolve practical questions: what happens if Lok Sabha or an assembly falls early? How are state mandates protected? How can the common calendar survive a change of government?

The Bill proposes an 'appointed date' after a general election. Assemblies constituted thereafter would end their terms with Lok Sabha. If a House falls early, the next election would cover only the balance of the common cycle. Alignment would survive, although some legislatures may have shorter terms.

Other democracies offer useful lessons. Sweden holds national, regional and municipal elections together. An extraordinary parliamentary election does not reset its regular cycle. South Africa elects its national assembly and provincial legislatures together, while municipal polls remain separate. Germany permits a chancellor to be removed only when Parliament elects a successor.

For India, 2029 looks more realistic as beginning of alignment than date for full synchronisation. Full alignment by 2034 appears more credible, provided Parliament acts and political consensus emerges, and EC has time to prepare. The process needs a clear parliamentary timeline, broad political engagement and a credible path to implementation.

India began with a synchronous election cycle when Lok Sabha and state assembly elections were held together from 1951-52 to 1967. Restoring that alignment will require consultation, preparation and credible safeguards.

The framework must protect voter confidence, federal balance and space for state-specific issues. Electoral rolls must be accurate and up to date, with simple processes for enrolment, and correction.

Any deferred assembly election must rest on stated reasons, and a firm outer timeline. Aligning elections once will not be enough. The system must stay aligned when governments fall, or legislatures dissolve early.