For inclusive politics
Relationship between forms of modernity and religious bodies.
Thus, the JUH���s resolutions did mention issues like implementation of the Sachar Committee report and backwardness of Muslims, but they also opposed madrasa reform and endorsed patriarchal control of women. Union home minister P Chidambaram���s welcoming of the Deoband Dar-ul-Uloom���s 2008 fatwa against terrorism, while addressing the JUH meet, is thus also a somewhat tricky issue.
First, there could well be a case for representatives of an avowedly secular state to maintain a distance from overtly religious institutions. But that could be termed a peculiarly unworkable idea across the world, and certainly in India. For, religion has a deep and complex role in many spheres of our life, and some religious bodies could claim to represent sections of their respective communities.
It would, thus, per se be a positive development ��� not least due to the difficult, often xenophobic climate Muslims face ��� that Deoband issued such a fatwa. But a political endorsement of that not only runs the danger of officially enshrining the claim of a religious body to speak for an entire community, but also of giving legitimacy to religious edicts and, perversely, implicates the whole community by transferring a certain onus to condemn extremism onto it.
Embedded in the whole issue is also a critique of the failure of the modern nationalist project which has reduced the minority to an acknowledged state of marginalisation. Combating that is a task of aiding assimilation into mainstream ideas of democracy and development. Of, say, gradually assisting madrasa reform while yet envisaging minorities as part of civil society and polity as a whole ��� not just embodied by a few religious bodies. But that would also entail refashioning democracy as being genuinely inclusive, and not based on a politics of competitive identity management. And that calls for real leadership.
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