Why India's Gen Z protest movement differs from Nepal, Bangladesh and Sri Lanka

Cockroach Janta Party's (CJP) agitation saw repeated references to Gen Z movements in Nepal, Bangladesh and Sri Lanka between March 2022 and September 2025. The key question is whether those uprisings have reduced corruption or brought about meaningful political change in these countries. This question matters because many doubt GoI's resolve to tackle the deeper flaws in the education system instead of merely reforming the examination system.

For those expecting CJP to enter the electoral fray, the experiences of 3 South Asian countries offer sobering lessons.

Nepal Elections brought many first-time politicians into Parliament, but they have not fundamentally transformed governance.


Bangladesh Leaders of the unrest formed National Citizen Party (NCP), only to perform dismally in the elections.

Sri Lanka Youth leaders of the 2022 uprising have been sidelined in the new political order, with the old guard once again calling the shots.

Gen Z movements have thrown up mixed results with new governments promising new measures to curtail corruption and improve governance but effecting very few changes on the ground.

Nepal The movement toppled the K   P Sharma Oli government and brought Rastriya Swatantra Party (RSP) to power under 35-yr-old PM Balen Shah. He heads what is widely regarded as the youngest cabinet in Nepal's history.

The movement did reshape the political landscape. Shah ordered the arrest of several former ministers, including Oli. Yet, many of his decisions - including banning employee trade unions and student organisations, an ironic move for a leader propelled by a student movement - have relied on ordinances and executive fiat, pointing to an increasing concentration of power. More importantly, there is little evidence of the institutional reforms needed to close the avenues for corruption.

Bangladesh Gen Z-led protests ousted the Sheikh Hasina government and caretaker administration headed by Muhammad Yunus promised to hold fresh election, which he did.

Voters returned an established party to power, electing BNP, led by Tarique Rahman. Beyond fiery rhetoric, however, the new government has taken few concrete steps to curb corruption. Key promises - including seizing assets allegedly acquired through corruption under the previous regime and prosecuting former ministers - remain largely unfulfilled.

Sri Lanka The 2022 youth uprising did not produce an independent youth-led political force. Instead, the 2024 election brought to power a coalition centred on Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP) and National People's Power (NPP), led by Anura Kumara Dissanayake (AKD).

His government has made measurable progress in reducing the country's debt burden under an IMF-backed programme. But its record on curbing corruption remains modest, constrained by its reliance on the old political establishment and its entrenched ways.

The pattern is strikingly similar across all three countries: mass youth mobilisation triggered political ruptures - fresh elections and new leadership - followed by promises to curb corruption. Yet, those promises rarely translate into the structural reforms needed to achieve lasting change.

India's circumstances are different.

In Nepal and Bangladesh, the protests were fuelled by frustration with electoral systems that offered little democratic recourse - a pressure-release mechanism India still possesses.

In Sri Lanka, by contrast, public anger stemmed from an economic collapse driven by unsustainable debt, much of it accumulated through reckless borrowing from China and other lenders.

The scale of demands was also different.

Narrow agenda Protesters in Nepal, Bangladesh and Sri Lanka sought the ouster of their governments. By contrast, CJP and its adviser, Sonam Wangchuk, had a narrower agenda: the resignation of Dharmendra Pradhan and reforms to the examination system.

Non-violent The CJP movement was also notable for its commitment to non-violence, barring isolated stone-throwing by fringe elements. That stood in sharp contrast to the uprisings in the three South Asian countries, where scores of protesters were killed in clashes with security forces. Government responses matter during periods of unrest. In Delhi, crowds grew after reports that Wangchuk had been forcibly taken to a government hospital, while police used lathis, tear gas and, reportedly, pellet guns to disperse demonstrators.

With Pradhan now gone, attention turns to CJP's next move. Having achieved what seemed impossible just days ago, the question is whether CJP and its 25 mn followers on X can evolve from a protest platform into a force for institutional reform.