View: After Delhi riots, government has to revisit its approach on CAA

The Delhi riots, which claimed 53 lives, have now made it imperative for GoI to revisit its political approach on issues, and apprehensions, arising from the passage of the Citizenship (Amendment) Act (CAA). A technical, legalistic or policing approach simply won’t suffice. Up until violence broke out in Delhi, the CAA debate had undergone many stages of evolution. From a law aimed at granting citizenship to minorities fleeing from a group of countries to India till December 31, 2014, to being projected as a window for non-Muslim illegal migrants to acquire citizenship before the National Register of Citizenship (NRC) process gets underway, CAA suddenly began to hold different connotations for different people.

GoI did respond. It sought to delink CAA from NRC. No less than the PM himself articulated this shift at a Ramlila Maidan speech last December. Yet, as the Delhi elections picked up steam, CAA was back as a different political construct — this time built around the Shaheen Bagh protest. In the form of counter-protesters through a public show of strength in support of CAA.

As a result, from one, there were now two sets of congregations on the streets. One anti-CAA, the other pro-CAA. For all the political heat generated, it surely did not light up the Delhi elections in terms of votes, which was eventually decided on bijli-sadak-paani issues. But what all the acrimony did was stoke passions, got people agitated on either side, laying a fertile ground for violence.


And when violence did hit, it changed the facts on the ground. A few unusual things happened. National Security Adviser (NSA) Ajit Doval was pressed into action to deal with the riots. In hindsight, it was probably the right move. But it surely didn’t reflect well on the system. The NSA, even though he’s a former police officer, can’t be expected to take over policing at the district level. Clearly, the situation had reached a point where desperate measures became necessary.

So, what next? A way forward will also have to come from the political space. If politics can divide, it can also bridge divisions. And the onus to do so falls on the government as Parliament takes up the issue after Holi. It’s important to realise that the consequences of inaction — or ‘mis-action’ — could be far worse.

It should register well
The nationwide decadal census exercise has to begin next month, along with the updation of the National Population Register (NPR). It would be a challenge to hold this mammoth exercise in an atmosphere of suspicion and volatility. From something as basic as the physical security of enumerators, to the credibility of the entire exercise, a lot could come under the cloud if the appropriate political climate is not created.

State governments, for instance, understand the pressing need for updating NPR, a necessary database for social welfare schemes. Maharashtra chief minister Uddhav Thackeray, despite opposition from allies like Congress, has come out in support of NPR. But other state CMs are equally apprehensive — especially after the Delhi violence — of the risks it may entail to conduct NPR with its new form. Though voluntary in nature, the purported linkages of certain new entries in the 2020 NPR form has caused concern. Even NDA-ruled states like Bihar have indicated a preference to go back to the old 2010 form.

A sense of fragility, combined with extreme caution, is visible. In this context, a political reach-out is desperately needed to find common ground — at least to ensure that one of the most essential administrative tasks of the country gets done without fear of violence. The peaceful conduct of Census and NPR 2020 could prove to be a significant confidence building measure when CAA, despite having been cleared by Parliament, is proving difficult to implement.

Besides, there are the diplomatic ramifications to contend with. GoI did well to ensure that US President Donald Trump stayed away from commenting on the Delhi violence, which broke out while he was still in the country. Incidentally, CAA-related violence had also forced the cancellation of Japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abe’s visit last December.

Just like Trump’s visit, Modi had personally attended to every detail of Abe’s visit in Guwahati. The diplomatic fallout has been more trying in some of the Islamic countries like Turkey and Iran. India would not want the situation to fester longer, as that will only increase the possibility of the ‘liberal’ West finding common ground with the Islamic world.

No bespoke solution
But, clearly, just like the NSA on the streets of Delhi, any amount of diplomacy will only keep the external situation contained, managed and, at best, benign. Importantly, the problem will have to be addressed politically.

The question for the Centre is how to craft that reach-out. For starters, an end needs to be put to the notion —which many seem to harbour within BJP — that CAA-NPR-NRC can be politically tailored according to the audience and the situation. Quite evidently, Prime Minister Narendra Modi would need to play a central role in ensuring that the message, its official interpretation and intent are all aligned around the idea of governance, not electoral maths. In other words, GoI simply can’t afford a misstep on this issue. Because from here on, the big picture — political and reputational — fallout far outweighs any short-term benefit.