So, who is the culprit?

The tabling of the Rajinder Sachar Commission report, which provides data on the dismal socio-economic status of Muslims, is sure to let loose a spate of ‘social justice’ demands from the members of the extended UPA family.

NEW DELHI: The tabling of the Rajinder Sachar Commission report, which provides data on the dismal socio-economic status of Muslims, is sure to let loose a spate of ‘social justice’ demands from the members of the extended UPA family. However, it could be argued that the same facts give the lie to the promises made by these ‘secular’ forces over the years.

If Justice Rajinder Sachar is to be believed, then despite the various schemes put in place by various Central and state governments the “community exhibits deficits and deprivation in practically all dimensions of development”.

According to the report, “Muslims rank somewhat above SCs/STs, but below Hindu OBCs, other minorities and Hindu general (upper castes) in almost all indicators.” According to the report, the current enrolment and continuation rates for Muslim children at the elementary level are the lowest. It adds that there is a high deficit as far as Muslim population in higher education is concerned, and this deficit is again higher as compared to all other socio-religious groups except SC/STs.

In government, public sector employment and security forces, again, the level of Muslim representation is very low. Among states where the situation is “particularly grave” are West Bengal, Bihar, UP and Assam.

Interestingly, all these states have governments, at present or in the recent past, which have been targeted for ‘Muslim appeasement’ by the Opposition. In the case of West Bengal, it could be alleged that the Left government’s failure over the last three decades to uplift the Muslim population in the state has been matched by an increase in the pitch of its pro-Muslim rhetoric at the national level.

Having ruled the state for almost 30 years, the Marxists cannot take recourse to the argument of political instability, that could, to whatever extent, be held responsible for the poor implementation of policies.
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With Bihar where Lalu Prasad Yadav's RJD reigned for 15 years, before the current BJP-JD(U) government came to power, it could be posited that Muslims have been ignored as effectively as the leader has managed to brand himself as a champion of the minority community. Mr Yadav had demanded that the government bring a Muslim quota, even before the Sachar report was made public.

In UP, Mulayam Singh Yadav’s overt gestures of support to Muslims notwithstanding the community is yet to make any progress. In Assam, where Congress has come back to power, the situation is equally bad.

The Congress’ public posture of being pro-minority — as evidenced in its backing for Dalit, Muslim and Christian quotas — apparently stays on paper. As seen in its unclear stand on the Mohammed Afzal clemency issue, the party is uncertain as to how far the backlash from the majority community will hurt its interests politically.

This half-hearted approach of talking up welfare measures and not delivering effectively is reflected in the assessment of the Sachar report that “the widespread perception of discrimination among the Muslim community needs to be addressed”.
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