PM Narendra Modi is declared as TOI's 'Person of the Year'

This has been combined with his use of strong Hindu symbolism in public spaces: the visit to Pashupatinath temple in Kathmandu, Ganga aarti in Varanasi, gifting Bhagavad Gitas to global leaders, and embracing myths about the alleged scientific accomplishments of ancient Indians. All these helped burnish his Hindutva credentials. And layered over all this is his unapologetic espousal of rightwing economics. So, what you ultimately get is a complex package - a politician who's street smart, politically savvy, openly pro-business and pro-Hindu as well. Check out his responses to Hindutva issues.



Modi was quick to silence his minister Sadhvi Niranjan Jyoti over her Ramzaade-haramzaade remark, while Sakshi Maharaj was made to apologize for equating Mahatma Gandhi with his assassin Nathuram Godse. But on the controversial issue of religious conversions by saffron groups, Modi refused to pull up Hindu evangelists even at the cost of important legislations being blocked in Parliament.

Barely seven months in office, Modi seems set to put the RSS on a pedestal. Saffron icons like Deendayal Upadhyay, Eknath Ranade and Madan Mohan Malviya have been valorized in a manner that stands out for its cocky confidence. There is no squeamishness about re-naming schemes dedicated to the Congress family with symbols from the saffron pantheon, which would leave the RSS pleased as punch.

Modi's Swachh Bharat campaign, his exhortation that families need to do as much as state agencies to curb rapes and drug addiction, his outreach through social media and radio - all reflect the man's righteous belief in remaking society.

He has prevailed so far on the strength of his credibility: a rare commodity among politicians. That's why he continues to gather votes (the latest being in J&K and Jharkhand) despite not delivering on his promise to recover black money from abroad and accelerate economic growth. People are willing to give him time and believe the narrative that the mess created by the UPA will take time to clear. The challenge, if any, to his leadership has actually come from the rightwing fringe rather than the opposition.

Controversies over conversions are not completely unexpected. During the Vajpayee government, saffron hardliners were often more effective in opposing NDA policies than the opposition.



This time the story may not be very different as there is a growing feeling that Modi's self-professed focus on development is being obscured by saffron hotheads. Issues like conversions could be a tricky terrain for any BJP prime minister as it resonates with the RSS which sees "ghar wapsi" as a natural response to proselytization by non-Hindu religious orders. As PM, Modi will be expected to emphasize that the Constitution is the only scripture he will follow. And this is a speech he needs to make.

If his rise was a difficult, albeit amazing, journey, going forward is unlikely to be easy. In fact, managing popular expectations will probably prove even more difficult than anything that Modi has accomplished so far. As 2014 draws to a close, Modi can look back at a remarkable year that transformed him from a political outcast in the wake of the 2002 Gujarat riots to being India's most popular leader. But since he's not in for the short haul, he just can't take his foot off the pedal.