Nitish wapsi: Bihar chief minister who trounced the PM
Nitish Kumar began preparing for Bihar assembly election after his party's rout in Lok Sabha polls last year.

But, one man was drawing lessons from his defeat and plotting his next move. He could very well have taken the victory lap with Modi, but breaking the alliance with BJP had left him bruised and isolated. As is his style, Nitish Kumar withdrew into a shell at his Birchand Patel Marg residence in Patna and took two decisions: to resign from the chief ministership and reach out to Lalu Prasad, his friend-turned-adversary.
Marginalized and irritable all through the LS campaign, Lalu's biggest fear was the political wilderness staring at him. Either the erstwhile friends could come together or slide into oblivion. So when Nitish, who once left the Janata Dal to protest against the Yadavization of Bihar politics, called up Lalu on the evening of May 16 last year, the day the Lok Sabha results were out. Lalu The RJD strongman was initially standoff-ish but called back the next morning to seal the pact. The two were back in business together.
The combine was aptly called the Mahagathbandhan, the grand alliance that represented a formidable chunk of Bihar's highly-fragmented caste calculus - Yadavs, Kurmis, Keoris and Muslims. There were doubts about the Extremely Backward Castes (EBCs), with whom Nitish's one-time confidant Jitan Ram Manjhi was believed to have walked over to the saffron camp. But as the results have shown, big sections of EBCs stayed with Nitish as also sections of non-Paswan, non-Musahar Dalits.
Nitish and Lalu had to complement each other, not compete. In the run-up to the Bihar assembly polls and all through the campaign, Nitish ensured there were no ego clashes; occasionally, after campaigning for the day was over, he would go across to Lalu's residence and fine-tune the intricacies of a joint campaign, including division of labour: Lalu would match PM Modi, Amit Shah and others in decibel level, while Nitish would campaign quietly. However, his strong stand against the BJP was also making him appear more than an able administrator - in this election he was also positioned as a 'principled' politician.
Nitish's civility coupled with pro-incumbency paid rich dividends. Calling the BJP the 'Badka Jhootha Party' was the only instance of his crossing the lakshman rekha. Nitish also realized early on that he had to win the perception battle, just the way Modi did in 2014. That was achieved through a well-choreographed publicity machinery that would match Modi and BJP, slogan for slogan, hoarding for hoarding, tweet for tweet, troll for troll.
For all this, winning the election for the Mahagathbandhan could pose real problems of administration for Nitish Kumar. The upper castes and the metropolitan media are already talking of Jungle Raj II, primarily because of his partnership with Lalu.
To add to it, there is the historical legacy of the roughly 15% Yadavs being at the throats of the 5% Kurmis for control of block, bank and thana, the three institutions that run rural India. In 2005, Nitish came to office because of an alliance between the upper castes, sections of OBCs, and the EBCs. Now, Yadavs have filled the gap left by the BJP votebank of upper castes and some sections of EBCs. The return of Yadavs to 'power' after a decade could, it is feared, unleash a torrent of unreasonable demands.
But Nitish's aides point out how their leader has always learnt from his failures and will handle the administration competently despite pressure from his formidable ally. So, has the wheel come full circle for Bihar's social justice movement? In 1990, Lalu became the chief minister, cheered on by Nitish, and now, it is the other way round, so that may well be true.
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