Merit of prospective CJI should be assessed by jurists, not government: Markandey Katju
A plain reading of Article 124(2) shows that consultation by the President of India with the judges of the SC or HCs is only if he deems it necessary.

My reply to Mr Sankaranarayanan is as follows :
1. Article 124(2) of the Indian Constitution states: "Every judge of the Supreme Court shall be appointed by the President — after consultation with such of the judges of the Supreme Court and of the high courts as the President may deem necessary for the purpose."
In the Second Judges case, referred to by Mr Sankaranarayanan, has not the Supreme Court practically amended Article 124(2) of the Constitution, and substituted a different provision in its place by a judicial verdict? Amendment to the Constitution can only be done by Parliament under Article 368. By which principle of interpretation was this power taken over by the Supreme Court?
In the garb of interpretation can judges amend a statutory or Constitutional provision? If the judges can make such amendments to the Constitution by judicial verdicts, then what can debar them from saying that whatever may be written in the Constitution, there will be henceforth two or more Presidents of India, two or more Prime Ministers, or two or more Chief Justices of India?
2. A plain reading of Article 124(2) shows that consultation by the President of India with the judges of the Supreme Court or high courts is only if he deems it necessary. Hence the President need not consult them, at least in the case of appointment of the Chief Justice of India, and may prefer to consult a body of some eminent jurists, which may include reputed senior lawyers of the Supreme Court and/or the high courts, eminent academic jurists, retired judges, etc. There is nothing in Article 124(2) debarring such consultation.
Now a convention is a convention, and not a statutory or Constitutional rule. When the Supreme Court delivered its verdict in the Second Judges case in 1993 (which practically amended the Constitution, as I have already pointed out), there may not have been any reason to depart from the convention. But since then experience has shown the harmful effects it has had on the judiciary.
Mr Shanti Bhushan, the former Union law minister, and a very senior lawyer of the SC, filed an affidavit in the SC that half the 16 CJIs prior to the filing of the affidavit were corrupt. Surely Mr Shanti Bhushan knew what he was talking about, and he has far greater experience of the legal world than Mr Sankaranarayanan (he was Advocate General of UP even before I started law practice in the Allahabad high court in 1970, and he has also been a Union law minister). Even after the filing of that affidavit there have been CJIs over whose integrity there was a grave question mark, and I am sure Mr Sankaranarayanan knows whom I am talking about.
As I said, a convention is not a statutory rule, and when experience shows it has been having a deleterious effect it should be given up, and a better method adopted.
4. Mr Sankaranarayanan has referred to the supersession of the three seniormost judges of the Supreme Court by Mrs Gandhi's government and appointment of Justice A N Ray, who was junior to them, as the CJI. I agree with him that this was totally improper, and an attempt to end the independence of the judiciary.
But when I said that the CJI should be appointed on merit, not seniority, I did not mean that the assessment of merit should be done by the government. It should be done by a committee of eminent jurists (which may include eminent senior lawyers of the SC and HCs, eminent retired judges, and legal academicians of repute), and the members of this committee could be chosen by a panel consisting of the Chief Justice of India, the Union law minister, and the chairman of the Bar Council of India. Alternatively, some other method of assessing merit by an independent body of jurists could be devised.
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