Congress to reap fruits of Modi’s ‘remarks’ in Bharuch

BHARUCH: In Karjan in the central Gujarat, which is predominantly rural, the fake encounter death of Sohrabuddin Shaikh is not an issue. Elections are still a week away in these parts, which go to the polls in the second phase on December 16.

But in Bharuch, a city that wears its non-descript, un-planned development look in the Hindu-dominated parts, and with its turrets and mosques an Islamic look in the Muslim-dominated parts, elections are on December 11 and Sohrabuddin is an issue.

In the Muslim-dominated constituencies of Bharuch district, which is ironically a BJP stronghold, the Sohrabuddin factor might help the Congress. It could force the anti-Modi vote to come together, while the BJP or Mr Modi do not seem to be riding any kind of wave.

In fact, in Bharuch (with the five constituencies of Bharuch, Jambusar, Ankleswar, Wagra and Zhagadia having a Muslim population of 20 - 40%) there is an uneasy clam just before the polls. People do not want to talk of the Sohrabuddin issue or of anything much else. But scratch under the surface, and it looks like they have made up their mind. “We (about 10% of the people here) were thinking of supporting the BSP earlier. But after the Modi’s communal speeches (read Sohrabuddin) we have changed out mind,” says Sheikh Mohammad Hanif, a retired IPCL purchase officer in one of old Bharuch’s upper class residential areas.

Flanked by independent houses, that have been built with money from ‘London’ or ‘Canada’, he says that no Muslim is for Sohrabuddin, but Mr Modi’s “aggressive” behaviour has meant that the Muslims have no choice but to vote him out.

In nearby Wagra constituency, which has been a traditional Congress seat having the highest Muslim population, the Sohrabuddin factor might help pull the Congress candidate out of defeat in spite of the in-fighting. But it is not just in-fighting which threatens the Congress here. The Muslims here are looking for an alternative. “We don’t prefer the Congress, but we don’t have a choice,” says Z D Master, a mechanical engineer, who is working as a computer teacher in a private institute here.

“I have not got a job fit for my qualifications in this highly-industrial area, because I am a Muslim. This is what the BJP has done for us,” he says, and adds that the Muslims need a party of their own. When told that this is Congress leader Ahmed Patel’s parliamentary constituency, the young man maintains, “We don’t have a leader in our community to solve local issues.”

In Amod, which falls in the Jambusar constituency, a group of middle-aged men sit around a transport business office talking of elections. It is a mixed group of Hindus and Muslims, both Congress and BJP supporters. There is a sense of ribald humour in the air as they discuss politics at this reporter’s insistence.

The Congress and the BJP men stick to their respective positions, but attack each other over contentious issues in a vein of joviality that seems to indicate that the memories of the 2002 riots are becoming weaker. “Modi has done a lot, but this is a democracy and Muslims are living here in bondage. What’s the difference between Modi and Musharraf,” a Muslim Congress supporter asks.

Ask him if he is willing to take Modi minus his communalism, and he responds, “Fir to baat hi nahi hai (there is no doubt about it)”. To this, another Congress supporter says, “Kaam kam aur gubbare jyada chalane wala mukhyamantri” (a chief minister who does little but speaks more). A BJP supporter chips in, “Raking up communalism is wrong. Modi should not have done it but it was because of Sonia’s statements that he had to respond.”

There is generally all-round agreement that even some Muslims are going to vote for Mr Modi this time round. In Bharuch, even the retired IPCL officer says 5% Muslims would have supported Mr Modi, but hints that things have changed after the Sohrabuddin statements.