Israel’s opposition wants Netanyahu out. Its leaders’ positions on Palestine reveal the limits of a political shake-up

There are four groups in Israel's opposition who have teamed up against the candidacy of Benjamin Netanyahu in the elections scheduled for October 27, 2026. Though there is an agreement among their respective leaders that Netanyahu should be succeeded in office, it seems from their respective stands concerning Palestinian statehood and settlements that there will be no major change in Israel's policies. Yashar party, the Democrats, Yisrael Beytenu and the Together coalition are working together to form a government if that is possible after the elections.

However, as reports by Al Jazeera show, several of their leaders do not favour the idea of a Palestinian state or are against handing over any of the territories to Palestinians.

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For Palestinians threatened by displacement, expansion of the settlements and operations of the army, the difference between succeeding Netanyahu and changing the overall policies of Israel will become very important.

Netanyahu’s opponents unite, but the numbers remain uncertain

The leaders of the four political groups issued a joint declaration on September 26, promising not to attack one another during their campaign and collaborate post-election.

The summit comprised Yair Lapid, Gadi Eisenkot, Naftali Bennett, Avigdor Lieberman and Yair Golan. Eisenkot, a retired chief of the Israeli military who heads Yashar, is considered a prominent candidate to succeed Netanyahu as the next Prime Minister of Israel, but the coalition hasn’t yet picked any candidate.

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According to an opinion poll conducted by Al Jazeera, Yashar may capture 23 seats in the 120-member Knesset, compared to 21 seats for Netanyahu’s Likud. The alliance of Together may win 13 seats, while Yisrael Beytenu and Democrats may win nine seats each.

As a whole, the four parties may capture 54 seats, six short of the required 61 seats for a majority in the parliament. Netanyahu’s political bloc was estimated to win 49 seats, while the Arab parties representing Palestinian citizens of Israel may capture 13 seats.

Most leaders of the Jewish-led opposition have ruled out joining forces with Arab parties, limiting their coalition options. As Al Jazeera reported, the opposition could benefit if smaller right-wing parties fail to cross Israel’s electoral threshold, but even a favourable result would not guarantee a stable government.

Opposition leaders share hardline positions on Palestine

The opposition’s differences with Netanyahu do not necessarily extend to the fundamentals of Israeli policy towards Palestinians.

Eisenkot has described Palestinian statehood as unrealistic and supports strengthening Israeli settlements, although he opposes full annexation of the West Bank. On Gaza, he supports a strategy tied to Hamas’s disarmament.

Also, Bennett, who used to be the prime minister and who was previously serving in Netanyahu’s government, opposes the establishment of the Palestinian state and supports expansion of the settlements. In his opinion, Israeli forces must remain in Gaza till Hamas is disarmed.

Lieberman’s Yisrael Beytenu supports expansion of the settlements, such as the contentious E1, as well as the annexation of Area C of the occupied West Bank, which comprises about 60 per cent of the region.

Golan’s Democrats offer a different position by supporting a version of a two-state solution.

Nevertheless, their proposal necessitates a demilitarised Palestinian state and Israeli security control of the Jordan Valley and other vital areas.

As per Al Jazeera analysis, the main opposition parties do not differ much from Netanyahu’s group on the issues of settlement and security control. Their agreement to remove him therefore does not amount to a common programme for Palestinian sovereignty.

Why a change of government may bring limited relief

There may be constraints faced by a new Israeli government. According to the analyses presented to Al Jazeera, a coalition government of ideologically diverse parties may have a small majority in the parliament, making it impossible for them to reach a consensus on any concession, especially complete withdrawal of Israel from Gaza or change in settlement policies.

An additional constraint may be public opinion. The report quotes an analysis by the Pew Research Center carried out in September, which revealed that only 17 per cent of Israeli respondents thought that peaceful coexistence with an independent Palestinian state was achievable. In another survey conducted in August by the Jewish People Policy Institute, it was revealed that 38 per cent of Jewish Israelis supported the annexation of the whole of the West Bank.

This shows the political environment in which any politician will find himself/herself when pushing for Palestinian statehood even as he/she criticises Netanyahu.

Palestinian lawyer and analyst Diana Buttu told Al Jazeera that the opposition leaders had supported Israel’s war in Gaza while backing settlements or failing to support full equality for Palestinians.

Still, analysts believe a government without Netanyahu’s far-right partners could moderate some policies. Possible changes include suspending the E1 settlement project, taking stronger action against extremist settler violence and allowing more consistent humanitarian aid into Gaza.

Such steps could make a practical difference without fundamentally changing Israel’s relationship with Palestinians.

The difference between replacing Netanyahu and changing policy

Another factor could be that the new government will be more susceptible to pressure from the United States and other international actors, thus making the situation more favourable to the reconstruction of Gaza.

On the other hand, Palestinian analyst Ehab Jabareen was cited in Al Jazeera as saying that one may not expect any real differences other than that in the manner Israeli control is applied.

This point clearly illustrates what the boundaries of the opposition coalition are: the departure of Netanyahu could lead to a shift in the tone of Israel’s foreign policy and thus help mitigate some effects of the occupation, but not bring about its termination and the establishment of the Palestinian state.

Of course, Palestinians suffering from dispossession and violence will appreciate any positive changes, but the coming October 27 elections alone won’t solve the underlying problem of the conflict over territories.

Now the opponents have agreed on a common electoral strategy; it remains to be seen whether they will succeed in implementing it.