Powered by brand PM Modi and RLD tie-up, Hema Malini in lead role again in Mathura
Hema Malini pocketed 53% of votes in 2014 LS polls, rising to a staggering 61% five years later, although her victory margin dipped. RLD had cornered 34% of the votes then. Simply put, BJP and RLD had polled a combined 95% votes for Mathura in 201...
The chauraha (crossroads), about 20km from Mathura, is a collection of faceless stores and a capacious temple complex. Old men in turbans mill about. A bunch of young men attending coaching classes for aspiring cops in nearby Raya nagar panchayat have stopped to catch a glimpse. They are first-time voters. Sholay is her only film they can name. Barring a few women in ghoonghat, it’s an all-male crowd.
Saffron and green – caps of two different colours reveal the freshly-crafted political alliance for the polls. Imprinted with the slogan ‘Bhaichara Zindabad’ (long live brotherhood), the green cap represents Rashtriya Lok Dal (RLD). Last month the regional party, primarily based out of west Uttar Pradesh, tied up with BJP and became a cog in the NDA wheel. RLD is contesting the Baghpat and Bijnor Lok Sabha seats, and backing BJP in other constituencies. “Feel free to wear either cap,” someone announces.

The temple town has been BJP’s pocket borough since 2014. The constituency’s five assembly seats (Chhata, Mant, Goverdhan, Mathura and Baldev) are with it. Hema pocketed 53% of votes in 2014 LS polls, rising to a staggering 61% five years later, although her victory margin dipped. RLD had cornered 34% of the votes then. Simply put, BJP and RLD had polled a combined 95% votes for Mathura in 2019. In politics, one plus one does not always equal two, but with RLD and BJP joining forces, the Lotus is undeniably in pole position here.
Hema’s second-term Parliament attendance was a modest 50%, about 30% lower than the national average. Voters aren’t positive in their assessment either. Jat farmer Malkhan Singh bluntly says she has been missing in action. But he also proffers, “I will vote for her. Who else can one vote for?” For him, the competition is absent. Neither he, nor others sitting with him, have heard of Congress candidate Mukesh Dhangar, also backed by Samajwadi Party and AAP, in the INDIA alliance.
Every slogan on view is woven around Modi, “Main hoon Modi ka parivar” and “Phir ek baar Modi Sarkar” being the most familiar. Talking to prospective voters, it isn’t hard to fathom why. Brand PM is the most saleable. Virendra Singh, who runs a medicine shop, laments the absence of electricity in his village Tambaka. “Kat-ti zyaada hai, aati kam hai. (there’s more load shedding than light),” says Virendra, a Prajapati by caste. But he likes Modi and will vote for him because he can reach out to the PM directly online and make complaints or suggestions on his website.
Virendra had received a WhatsApp message from ‘Viksit Bharat Sampark’, asking him, “What’s your opinion of the Modi government’s work?”. ‘Bahut achha (very good)’ or ‘theek thak (okay)’ or ‘kharab (poor)’. He answered, ‘bahut achha’, and received a ‘thank you’ message.
Bachchu Singh, a Jat working in a Delhi factory, is annoyed that his specially-abled wife’s application for awas yojna (housing plan) was rejected. But he says he likes Modi’s work and will vote for BJP. He can’t explain why. Sukhwinder Singh of Bansai village complains reservoir water doesn’t flow to the fields anymore and his pleas aren’t heard. “But I’ll always be a BJP voter,” says the 34-year-old. Sometimes voting preference and disappointment with governance seem delinked.
In Feb, former PM and the tallest of Jat leaders, Charan Singh – also the grandfather of Jayant Chaudhary who runs RLD – was posthumously bestowed Bharat Ratna by the Modi government. The gesture has presented both sides with an electorally saleable emotional hook.
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